Outline of a dream--to some.
"It was February 17, 2008, I was in Slovenia, and I heard gunfire in the distance. Kosovo had just declared independence from Serbia." This was how I opened my initial draft on my application to get to Kosovo. Upon my affiliate organization reading my application, they told me to scrap the introduction. “We are trying to change the image of Kosovo,” they said. Besides the fact that the celebratory gun fire was in Slovenia and not Kosovo, I was a good sport, and I changed the intro. I don't know if this edit really changed the outcome of my application or Kosovo’s image.
The nation of Albania—and by extension, all ethnic Albanians—is celebrating its 100th birthday tomorrow. The Albanian flag, which is an ominous combination of black and dark red, hangs in most store windows and off of most balconies in Pristina. Red and black dresses and flowers make up the bulk of the window displays at the moment. Being that I don’t live in Albania, it might seem strange for such an out pouring of nationalist pride in Kosovo. It would be like walking through Toronto on July Fourth and seeing the Star Spangled Banner everywhere.
The reason for this cross border nationalism, as the reason for most things in the Balkans, is war. Come the dawn of the 20th century, the Ottomans were on their last breath, and the people that they oversaw in the Balkans knew it. The First Balkan War of 1912, nearly pushed the Ottomans out of Europe after nearly four centuries of control of the Balkans. This feat was accomplished by the Balkan League, which consisted of Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece.
Within half a year, these four nations functionally ended the Ottoman’s tenure in Europe, as the Ottomans were left with only a sliver of land west of the Bosporus Straight. For these four nations, 1912 felt like a new dawn had risen over their lot. Hoping to enjoy the spoils of war, Greece and Serbia made a secret pact that left Bulgaria with little territorial gain. Macedonia was handed to the Serbs against the wishes of Bulgaria, Greece’s borders moved north and east, and there was an Albanian question left unsettled.
While the Serbs felt that Albanian populated land was their birthright—which in comparison was how Bulgaria felt, and still does, about Macedonia—the larger powers in Europe urged, if not demanded, an independent Albanian state be created. For the first time in human history, the Albanian people had a modern nation state, a nation state who’s borders included modern Kosovo. Like most things that leave the Serbs upset, the Albanians were jubilant.
The happenings of 1912 still reverberate today. Many of the flags in town are half Albanian and half Kosovar. There are posters advertising celebratory events that have an outline of Albania that looks a little top heavy, that is because it depicts Greater Albania, a nationalist dream that brings Albania, Kosovo, Southern Montenegro, and Western Macedonia together.
I believe that the idea of Greater Albania is a political fiction used to gain votes and to prove nationalist and populist credentials amongst ethnic Albanian politicians. However, just yesterday the Prime Ministers of Albania and Kosovo and the Deputy Prime Minister of Macedonia, all ethnic Albanians, spoke at a rally in Skopje,Macedonia calling for a unification of these three nations. (As a side note, Macedonia is only about 25% Albanian. You can imagine the majority of Macedonians don’t care for this talk. And they don’t).
This rally was certainly centered around the importance of the Centennial, and while major politicians will pay heed to the idea of unification, it is a back burner, pipe dream at best. Unless, of course, you are Vetëvendosje!, a political party in Kosovo whose name literally means “Self-Determination” (and yes, like the band Fun., the exclamation point is an integral part of the name).
What Vetëvendosje! lacks in actual political power, they make up for with rallies predicated upon popular discontent. In a nation with endemic unemployment and corruption, it turns out you have a bottomless cauldron of discontent. Some of the rallies Vetëvendosje! holds turn violent, because they know it will get them media coverage. This means they often provoke police, as they did last month. I’m perennially unimpressed with political parties that make up for a lack of credible ideas with violence, but they are who they are. Amongst other forms of self-determination, Vetëvendosje! wants reunification with Albania, as that is their historical right.
The concept of a “historical right” in a region of the world that is know as a crossroads of cultures and empires is objectively absurd. But since when does the absurd stop politicians from putting forth populist ideas? The Silver Standard, anyone?
This idea of a Greater Albania is nothing new, as we see from history. As recent as the end of the Kosovo War, militants from Kosovo tried to attack Macedonian government and police buildings in Western Macedonia thinking that the tide had turned on their struggle, and the world was behind a united Albania. NATO told the war for Greater Albania, but it did not stop the idea.
With none of this in mind, EULEX—the European Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo--arrested Fatmir Limaj this week. Limaj is a Kosovo Liberation Army veteran, national hero, successful politician, and indicted and previously acquitted war criminal. The most recent arrest has led to violent protests that limited certain Centennial celebrations. The arrest has also led to further protests by Vetëvendosje!. Even the Prime Minister, not a member of Vetëvendosje!, has “declared” war on EULEX—an organization that his government just extended Kosovo's contract with.
Also going on at the moment, in the tense North of the country, hostile gun fire broke out. There was even a report of a rocket propelled grenade being fired. (scroll down for the relavent information via this link). This was in retaliation to ethnic Albanians trying to hang the Albanian flag over a Serb Government building. While the North is not Pristina, and there hasn’t been reported violence here in the city, it is important to let these two local events highlight the on-edge and often tense nature of the region.
Understandably, local Kosovars feel under siege in the case of the North, or under the boot of a foreign—albeit invited—force. The Albanian Centennial has certainly brought out difficult and heated feelings of nationalism, ethnicity, and geopolitics. However, the irony of the fervent reactions from Kosovar and Albanian politicians is that the Balkans has never gone at it alone to solve any of their problems. The First Balkan War, which happened in 1912 and created Albania, was the outcome of a war that the Albanians were only tacitly a part of. Further, Albania became a country on account of the European power brokers wanting it. The same is true of the Kosovo War in 1999, which gave Kosovo its ultimate independence. While I understand that no one wants to talk about the French’s crucial intervention on behalf of America on July 3rd, no one wants to talk about the realities of Albania’s birth either. However, lessons like these need to be remembered to temper the vitriol, violence, and Vetëvendosje!—amongst other politicians. Perhaps it would create deference, reason, and context in a region so prone to war, tension, and folklore.
As I reflect on nationalism, celebration, and conflict in the region, I am in my apartment in Pristina. It sounds like gangland outside. For the time being it is fireworks thrown by haphazard children, and let’s hope that's the worst of it. Otherwise, what was the point in me changing my intro again?
Happy 100th, Albania.
The nation of Albania—and by extension, all ethnic Albanians—is celebrating its 100th birthday tomorrow. The Albanian flag, which is an ominous combination of black and dark red, hangs in most store windows and off of most balconies in Pristina. Red and black dresses and flowers make up the bulk of the window displays at the moment. Being that I don’t live in Albania, it might seem strange for such an out pouring of nationalist pride in Kosovo. It would be like walking through Toronto on July Fourth and seeing the Star Spangled Banner everywhere.
The reason for this cross border nationalism, as the reason for most things in the Balkans, is war. Come the dawn of the 20th century, the Ottomans were on their last breath, and the people that they oversaw in the Balkans knew it. The First Balkan War of 1912, nearly pushed the Ottomans out of Europe after nearly four centuries of control of the Balkans. This feat was accomplished by the Balkan League, which consisted of Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece.
Within half a year, these four nations functionally ended the Ottoman’s tenure in Europe, as the Ottomans were left with only a sliver of land west of the Bosporus Straight. For these four nations, 1912 felt like a new dawn had risen over their lot. Hoping to enjoy the spoils of war, Greece and Serbia made a secret pact that left Bulgaria with little territorial gain. Macedonia was handed to the Serbs against the wishes of Bulgaria, Greece’s borders moved north and east, and there was an Albanian question left unsettled.
While the Serbs felt that Albanian populated land was their birthright—which in comparison was how Bulgaria felt, and still does, about Macedonia—the larger powers in Europe urged, if not demanded, an independent Albanian state be created. For the first time in human history, the Albanian people had a modern nation state, a nation state who’s borders included modern Kosovo. Like most things that leave the Serbs upset, the Albanians were jubilant.
The happenings of 1912 still reverberate today. Many of the flags in town are half Albanian and half Kosovar. There are posters advertising celebratory events that have an outline of Albania that looks a little top heavy, that is because it depicts Greater Albania, a nationalist dream that brings Albania, Kosovo, Southern Montenegro, and Western Macedonia together.
I believe that the idea of Greater Albania is a political fiction used to gain votes and to prove nationalist and populist credentials amongst ethnic Albanian politicians. However, just yesterday the Prime Ministers of Albania and Kosovo and the Deputy Prime Minister of Macedonia, all ethnic Albanians, spoke at a rally in Skopje,Macedonia calling for a unification of these three nations. (As a side note, Macedonia is only about 25% Albanian. You can imagine the majority of Macedonians don’t care for this talk. And they don’t).
This rally was certainly centered around the importance of the Centennial, and while major politicians will pay heed to the idea of unification, it is a back burner, pipe dream at best. Unless, of course, you are Vetëvendosje!, a political party in Kosovo whose name literally means “Self-Determination” (and yes, like the band Fun., the exclamation point is an integral part of the name).
What Vetëvendosje! lacks in actual political power, they make up for with rallies predicated upon popular discontent. In a nation with endemic unemployment and corruption, it turns out you have a bottomless cauldron of discontent. Some of the rallies Vetëvendosje! holds turn violent, because they know it will get them media coverage. This means they often provoke police, as they did last month. I’m perennially unimpressed with political parties that make up for a lack of credible ideas with violence, but they are who they are. Amongst other forms of self-determination, Vetëvendosje! wants reunification with Albania, as that is their historical right.
The concept of a “historical right” in a region of the world that is know as a crossroads of cultures and empires is objectively absurd. But since when does the absurd stop politicians from putting forth populist ideas? The Silver Standard, anyone?
This idea of a Greater Albania is nothing new, as we see from history. As recent as the end of the Kosovo War, militants from Kosovo tried to attack Macedonian government and police buildings in Western Macedonia thinking that the tide had turned on their struggle, and the world was behind a united Albania. NATO told the war for Greater Albania, but it did not stop the idea.
With none of this in mind, EULEX—the European Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo--arrested Fatmir Limaj this week. Limaj is a Kosovo Liberation Army veteran, national hero, successful politician, and indicted and previously acquitted war criminal. The most recent arrest has led to violent protests that limited certain Centennial celebrations. The arrest has also led to further protests by Vetëvendosje!. Even the Prime Minister, not a member of Vetëvendosje!, has “declared” war on EULEX—an organization that his government just extended Kosovo's contract with.
Also going on at the moment, in the tense North of the country, hostile gun fire broke out. There was even a report of a rocket propelled grenade being fired. (scroll down for the relavent information via this link). This was in retaliation to ethnic Albanians trying to hang the Albanian flag over a Serb Government building. While the North is not Pristina, and there hasn’t been reported violence here in the city, it is important to let these two local events highlight the on-edge and often tense nature of the region.
Understandably, local Kosovars feel under siege in the case of the North, or under the boot of a foreign—albeit invited—force. The Albanian Centennial has certainly brought out difficult and heated feelings of nationalism, ethnicity, and geopolitics. However, the irony of the fervent reactions from Kosovar and Albanian politicians is that the Balkans has never gone at it alone to solve any of their problems. The First Balkan War, which happened in 1912 and created Albania, was the outcome of a war that the Albanians were only tacitly a part of. Further, Albania became a country on account of the European power brokers wanting it. The same is true of the Kosovo War in 1999, which gave Kosovo its ultimate independence. While I understand that no one wants to talk about the French’s crucial intervention on behalf of America on July 3rd, no one wants to talk about the realities of Albania’s birth either. However, lessons like these need to be remembered to temper the vitriol, violence, and Vetëvendosje!—amongst other politicians. Perhaps it would create deference, reason, and context in a region so prone to war, tension, and folklore.
As I reflect on nationalism, celebration, and conflict in the region, I am in my apartment in Pristina. It sounds like gangland outside. For the time being it is fireworks thrown by haphazard children, and let’s hope that's the worst of it. Otherwise, what was the point in me changing my intro again?
Happy 100th, Albania.
